December 6, 2018

Richard's universal robots

Praminda Caleb-Solly -4.jpegThe robot in the video is actually a giant hoist attached to the ceiling. It has big grab bars down at the level of the person sitting on the edge of the bed, waiting. When the bars approach, she grabs them, and lets the robot slowly help her up into a standing position, and then begins to move forward.

This is not how any of us imagines a care robot, but I am persuaded this is more like our future than the Synths in 2015's Humans, which are incredibly humanoid (helpfully for casting) but so, so far from anything ready for deployment. This thing, which Praminda Caleb-Solly showed at work in a demonstration video at Tuesday's The Shape of Things conference, is a work in progress. There are still problems, most notably that your average modern-build English home has neither high enough ceilings nor enough lateral space to accommodate it. My bedroom is about the size of the stateroom in the Marx Brothers movie A Night at the Opera; you'd have to put it in the hall and hope the grab bar assembly could reach through the doorway. But still.

As the news keeps reminding us, the the Baby Boomer bulge will soon reach frailty. In industrialized nations, where mobility, social change, and changed expectations have broken up extended families, need will explode. In the next 12 years, Caleb-Solly said, a fifth of people over 80 - 4.8 million people in the UK - will require regular care. Today, the National Health Service is short almost 250,000 staff (a problem Brexit exacerbates wholesale). Somehow, we'll have to find 110,000 people to work in social care in England alone. Technology is one way to help fill that gap. Today, though, 30% of users abandon their assistive technologies; they're difficult to adapt to changing needs, difficult to personalize, and difficult to interact with.

Personally, I am not enthusiastic about having a robot live in my house and report on what I do to social care workers. But I take Caleb-Solly's point when she says, "We need smart solutions that can deal with supporting a healthy lifestyle of quality". That ceiling-hoist robot is part of a modular system that can add functions and facilities as people's needs and capacity change over time.

Thumbnail image for werobot-pepper-head_zpsrvlmgvgl.jpgIn movies and TV shows, robot assistants are humanoids, but that future is too far away to help the onrushing 4.8 million. Today's care-oriented robots have biological, but not human, inspirations: the PARO seal, or Pepper, which Caleb-Solly's lab likes because it's flexible and certified for experiments in people's homes. You may wonder what intelligence, artificial or otherwise, a walker needs, but given sensors and computational power the walker can detect how its user is holding it, how much weight it's bearing, whether the person's balance is changing, and help them navigate. I begin to relax: this sounds reasonable. And then she says, "Information can be conveyed to the carer team to assess whether something changed and they need more help," and I close down with suspicion again. That robot wants to rat me out.

There's a simple fix for that: assume the person being cared for has priorities and agency of their own, and have the robot alert them to the changes and let them decide what they want to do about it. That approach won't work in all situations; there are real issues surrounding cognitive decline, fear, misplaced pride, and increasing multiple frailties that make self-care a heavy burden. But user-centered design can't merely mean testing the device with real people with actual functional needs; the concept must extend to ownership of data and decision-making. Still, the robot walker in Caleb-Solly's lab taught her how to waltz. That has to count for something.

The project - CHIRON, for Care at Home using Intelligent Robotic Omni-functional Nodes - is a joint effort between Three Sisters Care, Caleb-Solly's lab, and Shadow Robot, and funded with £2 million over two years by Innovate UK.

Shadow Robot was the magnet that brought me here. One of the strangest and most eccentric stories in an already strange and eccentric field, Shadow began circa 1986, when the photographer Richard Greenhill was becalmed on a ship with nothing to do for several weeks but read the manual for the Sinclair ZX 81. His immediate thought: you could control a robot with one of those! His second thought: I will build one.

greenhill-rotated-2.jpegBy 1997, Greenhill's operation was a band of volunteers meeting every week in a north London house filled with bits of old wire and electronics scrounged from junkyards. By then, Greenhill had most of a hominid with deceptively powerful braided-cloth "air muscles". By my next visit, in 2009, former volunteer Rich Walker had turned Shadow into a company selling a widely respected robot hand, whose customers include NASA, MIT, and Carnegie-Mellon. Improbably, the project begun by the man with no degrees, no funding, and no university affiliation has outlasted numerous more famous efforts filled with degree-bearing researchers who used up their funding, published, and disbanded. And now it's contributing robotics research expertise to CHIRON.

Seen Tuesday, Greenhill was eagerly outlining a future in which we can all build what we need and everyone can live for free. Well, why not?

Illustrations: Praminda Caleb-Solly presenting on Tuesday (Kois Miah); Pepper; Richard Greenhill demonstrating his personally improved scooter.

Wendy M. Grossman is the 2013 winner of the Enigma Award. Her Web site has an extensive archive of her books, articles, and music, and an archive of earlier columns in this series. Stories about the border wars between cyberspace and real life are posted occasionally during the week at the net.wars Pinboard - or follow on Twitter.

November 30, 2018

Digital rights management

parliament-whereszuck.jpg"I think we would distinguish between the Internet and Facebook. They're not the same thing." With this, the MP Damian Collins (Conservative, Folkstone and Hythe) closed Tuesday's hearing on fake news, in which representatives of nine countries, combined population 400 million, posed questions to Facebook VP for policy Richard Allan, proxying for non-appearing CEO Mark Zuckerberg.

Collins was correct when you're talking about the countries present: UK, Ireland, France, Belgium, Latvia, Canada, Argentina, Brazil, and Singapore. However, the distinction is without a difference in numerous countries where poverty and no-cost access to Facebook or its WhatsApp subsidiary keeps the population within their boundaries. Foreseeing this probable outcome, India's regulator banned Facebook's Free Basics on network neutrality grounds.

Much less noticed, the nine also signed a set of principles for governing the Internet. Probably the most salient point is the last one, which says technology companies "must demonstrate their accountability to users by making themselves fully answerable to national legislatures and other organs of representative democracy". They could just as well have phrased it, "Hey, Zuckerberg: start showing up."

This was, they said, the first time multiple parliaments have joined together in the House of Commons since 1933, and the first time ever that so many nations assembled - and even that wasn't enough to get Zuckerberg on a plane. Even if Allan was the person best-placed to answer the committee's questions, it looks bad, like you think your company is above governments.

The difficulty that has faced would-be Internet regulators from the beginning is this: how do you get 200-odd disparate cultures to agree? China would openly argue for censorship; many other countries would openly embrace freedom of expression while happening to continue expanding web blocking, filtering, and other restrictions. We've seen the national disparities in cultural sensitivities played out for decades in movie ratings and TV broadcasting rules. So what's striking about this declaration is that nine countries from three continents have found some things they can agree on - and that is that libertarian billionaires running the largest and most influential technology companies should accept the authority of national governments. Hence, the group's first stated principle: "The internet is global and law relating to it must derive from globally agreed principles". It took 22 years, but at last governments are responding to John Perry Barlow's 1996 Declaration of the Independence of Cyberspace: "Not bloody likely."

Even Allan, a member of the House of Lords and a former MP (LibDem, Sheffield Hallam), admitted, when Collins asked how he thought it looked that Zuckerberg had sent a proxy to testify, "Not great!"

The governments' principles, however, are a statement of authority, not a bill of rights for *us*, a tougher proposition that many have tried to meet. In 2010-2012, there was a flurry of attempts. Then-US president Barack Obama published a list of privacy principles; the 2010 Computers, Freedom, and Privacy conference, led by co-chair Jon Pincus, brainstormed a bill of rights mostly aimed at social media; UK deputy Labour leader Tom Watson ran for his seat on a platform of digital rights (now gone from his website); and US Congressman Darrell Issa (R-OH) had a try.

Then a couple of years ago, Cybersalon began an effort to build on all these attempts to draft a bill of rights hoping it would become a bill in Parliament. Labour drew on it for its Digital Democracy Manifesto (PDF) in 2016 - though this hasn't stopped the party from supporting the Investigatory Powers Act.

The latest attempt came a few weeks ago, when Tim Berners-Lee launched a contract for the web, which has been signed by numerous organizations and individuals. There is little to object to: universal access, respect for privacy, free expression, and human rights, civil discourse. Granted, the contract is, like the Bishop of Oxford's ten commandments for artificial intelligence, aspirational more than practically prescriptive. The civil discourse element is reminiscent of Tim O'Reilly's 2007 Code of Conduct, which many, net.wars included, felt was unworkable.

The reality is that it's unlikely that O'Reilly's code of conduct or any of its antecedents and successors will ever work without rigorous human moderatorial intervention. There's a similar problem with the government pledges: is China likely to abandon censorship? Next year half the world will be online - but alongside the Contract a Web Foundation study finds that the rate at which people are getting online has fallen sharply since 2015. Particularly excluded are women and the rural poor, and getting them online will require significant investment in not only broadband but education - in other words, commitments from both companies and governments.

Popular Mechanics calls the proposal 30 years too late; a writer on Medium calls it communist; and Bloomberg, among others, argues that the only entities that can rein in the big technology companies is governments. Yet the need for them to do this appears nowhere in the manifesto. "...The web is long past attempts at self-regulation and voluntary ethics codes," Bloomberg concludes.

Sadly, this is true. The big design error in creating both the Internet and the web was omitting human psychology and business behavior. Changing today's situation requires very big gorillas. As we've seen this week, even nine governments together need more weight.

Illustrations: Zuckerberg's empty chair in the House of Commons.

Wendy M. Grossman is the 2013 winner of the Enigma Award. Her Web site has an extensive archive of her books, articles, and music, and an archive of earlier columns in this series. Stories about the border wars between cyberspace and real life are posted occasionally during the week at the net.wars Pinboard - or follow on Twitter.